Craig Murray:

Now Protest Is a Moral Duty

Two other female policemen were filming with a large video camera from three metres away. Thirty yards down the road were large groups of burly policemen in fluorescent jackets, and beyond them the Tactical Support Group sat behind the dark windows of their mesh covered minibuses, fingering their shields and batons.

Facing Martin were the protestors. There were six of us, average age about 70. …  I felt perhaps proud, but rather puzzled, to be taken for a serious criminal danger to the city of Leicester.

Gregor Gysi

I feel I have my finger on the pulse of anti-fascist fashion. White hair is very au courant this year.

Tranquilliser use was higher in Northern Ireland than anywhere else in the United Kingdom. In some later era, the condition would probably be described as post traumatic stress, but one contemporary book called it ‘the Belfast syndrome’, a malady that was said to result from ‘living with constant terror, where the enemy is not easily identifiable and the violence is indiscriminate and arbitrary’. Doctors found, paradoxically, that the people most prone to this type of anxiety were not the active combatants, who were out on the street and had a sense of agency, but the women and children stuck sheltering behind closed doors.

—Patrick Radden Keefe, Say Nothing, (London: William Collins, 2018), 58.

SZ:

In the conjuncture of ‘Antinomies’—this was as true of Hobsbawm or Gerratana as of myself—we were writing of a different era: a time when there had recently been the largest mass strike in history in France, the overthrow of a government by workers in Britain, continuous outbreaks of revolt in Italy, the defeat of the United States in Vietnam, and a revolution in Portugal, where hopes and fears of a social upheaval, galvanizing Washington and Bonn to vigilance, were still fresh. It was the last hour of what Lukács, in his tribute to Lenin in 1923, had called the actuality of the revolution. Portugal features both in ‘Antinomies’ and in Hobsbawm’s rejoinders to it.

—Perry Anderson, The Antinomies of Antonio Gramsci, October 2016 preface, (London: Verso, 2020), 25.

Ein Blick in die Berufsstatistik eines konfessionell gemischten Landes pflegt mit auffallender Häufigkeit eine Erscheinung zu zeigen, welche mehrfach in der katholischen Presse und Literatur und auf den Katholikentagen Deutschlands lebhaft erörtert worden ist: den ganz vorwiegend protestantischen Charakter des Kapitalbesitzes und Unternehmertums sowohl, wie der oberen gelernten Schichten der Arbeiterschaft, namentlich aber des höheren technisch oder kaufmännisch vorgebildeten Personals der modernen Unternehmungen. Nicht nur da, wo die Differenz der Konfession mit einem Unterschied der Nationalität und damit des Grades der Kultur­entwicklung zusammenfällt, wie im deutschen Osten zwischen Deutschen und Polen, sondern fast überall da, wo überhaupt die kapitalistische Entwicklung in der Zeit ihres Aufblühens freie Hand hatte, die Bevölkerung nach ihren Bedürfnissen sozial umzuschichten und beruflich zu gliedern, — und je mehr dies der Fall war, desto deutlicher, — finden wir jene Erscheinung in den Zahlen der Konfessionsstatistik ausgeprägt.

—Max Weber, »Die protestantische Ethik und der Geist des Kapitalismus«, (München: Verlag C.H. Beck, 2004), 65.

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